Paranoid Style in the ACA Dissent

My wife and I are in Vermont with two of our grandchildren visiting, so I've only just now finished reading the 193 page Supreme Court decision about the ACA.

Throughout the health reform process I've tried to understand the virulent opposition to the ACA in terms other than "stupidity" and "demagoguery." Stupidity is real, as when Senator Breaux's constituent pleaded "don't you let the government get hold of my Medicare." And demaguguery is all too real, as in Sarah Palin's death panel lies and Mitt Romney's sucking up to the Tea Party and running away from his constructive role in Massachusetts health reform. But the dissent written by Justices Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas, and Alito (that's the sequence of their names on the dissent) offers a uniquely clear insight into hatred of the ACA.

I'm not a scholar of constitutional law, but I found Justice Ginsburg's argument that the individual mandate was constitutionally justified under the Commerce Clause persuasive. But I also found Justices Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas, and Alito's argument that the Commerce Clause does not justify the mandate strong in logic.

It may be the psychiatrist in me, but I believe the conclusion the four dissenters reached (and the virulent hatred of the ACA that some of its opponents express) reflect the dissenter's fear of a slippery slope more than the nuances of interpretation of precedents. The dissent has a framework of logic, but the driving force is emotion. I've highlighted the emotional content of three representative excerpts from the dissent:

...to say the failure to grow wheat (which is not an economic activity, or any activity at all) nonetheless affects commerce and therefore can be federally regulated, is to make mere breathing in and out the basis for federal prescription and to extend federal power to virtually all human activity. (p 129)

...If congress can reach out and command even those furthest removed from an interstate market to participate in the market, then the Commerce Clause becomes a font of unlimited power, or in Hamilton's words, "the hideous monster whose devouring jaws spare neither sex nor age, nor high nor low, nor sacred nor profane." (p 134)

But if every person comes within the Commerce Clause power of Congress to regulate by the simple reason that he will one day engage in commerce, the idea of a limited Government power is at an end. (p 138)

The dissenters see the ACA as unleashing a hideous devouring monster. Their outlook reflects what historian Richard Hofstadter called the paranoid style in American politics. Here's the essence of Hofstadter's analysis:

I believe there is a style of mind that is far from new and that is not necessarily right wing. I call it the paranoid style simply because no other word adequately evokes the sense of heated exaggeration, suspiciousness, and conspiratorial fantasy I have in mind. I am not speaking in a clinical sense...It is the use of paranoid modes of expression by more or less normal people that makes the phenomenon significant.

...As a member of the avant-garde who is capable of perceiving the conspiracy before it is fully obvious to an as yet unaroused public, the paranoid is a militant leader. He does not see social conflict as something to be mediated and compromised, in the manner of the working politician. Since what is at stake is always a conflict between absolute good and absolute evil, what is necessary is not compromise but the will to fight things out to a finish. Since the enemy is thought of as being totally evil and totally unappeasable, he must be totally eliminated—if not from the world, at least from the theatre of operations to which the paranoid directs his attention.

The dissenters see the ACA through the lens of the paranoid style. This is what leads them to the crucial slippery slope argument - that if we allow the individual mandate we allow the government unlimited power to coerce us. The end result is the image of the body politic as an infant, being forced to eat broccoli by a controlling mother:

All of us consume food...But the mere fact that we all consume food and are thus, sooner or later, participants in the "market" for food, does not empower the Government to say when and what we will buy. That is essentially what this Act seeks to do with respect to the purchase of health care. (p 139)

The slippery slope argument - from the health insurance mandate to total government control and forced feeding with broccoli - depends on the emotion, not logic. Justice Ginsburg makes a powerful argument that health care, representing more than one sixth of our national economy, is a distinctive case, not just one stop on a slope leading to broccoli. But from the perspective of the paranoid style, giving an inch is giving a mile.

Hofstadter is clear that the paranoid style doesn't mean that the views being asserted are wrong. In my view the dissenters make cogent arguments about Commerce Clause precedents but, again in my view, the arguments don't trump those advanced by Justice Ginsburg. But for those who see the world through the paranoid style lens, the associated emotions add the necessary weight to arguments that in themselves are not decisive. 

The paranoid style isn't a logical conclusion - it's an emotional predisposition. As a result, logic won't alter it. Between now and November we'll see how the Republicans will seek to fan paranoid style flames and how the Democrats will seek to counter it. Stay tuned!

(The full Supreme Court decision is available here. And for a strong argument as to why the health sector is distinctive and the slippery slope argument fails, see health law professors the amicus brief from 104 health lawyers here.)